Korean shamanism or Mu-ism is a religion from Korea. In the Korean language, alternative terms for the tradition are musok (무속 ; 巫俗 ) and mugyo (무교 ; 巫敎 ). Scholars of religion have classified it as a folk religion. There is no ctral authority in control of the religion and much diversity exists among practitioners.
The musok religion is polytheistic, promoting belief in a range of deities. Both these deities and ancestral spirits are deemed capable of interacting with living humans and causing them problems. Ctral to the religion are ritual specialists, the majority of them female, called mudang (무당 ; 巫堂 ) or mu (무 ; 巫 ); in glish they have sometimes be called shamans, although the validity of this is contested. The mudang assist paying clits in determining the cause of misfortune using divination. Mudang also perform longer rituals called kut, in which the gods and ancestral spirits are giv offerings of food and drink and tertained with song and dance. These may take place in a private home or in a shrine, the kuttang, oft located on a mountain. There are various sub-types of mudang, whose approach is oft informed by regional tradition. The largest type are the mansin or kangsin-mu, historically dominant in northern regions, whose rituals involve them being personally possessed by deities or ancestral spirits. Another type is the sesŭp-mu of eastern and southern regions, whose rituals tail spirit mediumship but not possession.
Elemts of the musok tradition may derive from prehistory. In Joseon Korea, the Confucian elites suppressed the mudang with taxation and legal restrictions, deeming their rites to be improper. From the late 19th ctury, modernisers – many of whom were Christian – characterised musok as misin (superstition) and supported its suppression. During the Japanese occupation of the early 20th ctury, nationalistically-orited folklorists began promoting the idea that musok represted Korea's ancit religion and a manifestation of its national culture; an idea later heavily promoted by mudang themselves. In the mid-20th ctury, persecution of mudang continued under the Marxist governmt of North Korea and through the New Community Movemt in South Korea. More positive appraisal of the mudang occurred in South Korea from the late 1970s onward, especially as practitioners were associated with the minjung pro-democracy movemt and came to be regarded as a source of Korean cultural idtity.
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Musok is primarily found in South Korea, where there are around 200, 000 mudang, although practitioners are also found abroad. While Korean attitudes to religion have historically be fairly inclusive, allowing for syncretism betwe musok and Buddhism, the mudang have nevertheless long be marginalised. Disapproval of mudang, oft regarded as charlatans, remains widespread in South Korea, especially among Christians. Musok has also influced some Korean new religions, such as Cheondoism and Jeungsanism.
He characterised Korean shamanism as being a largely residual category into which all Korean religious practices that were not Buddhist, Confucian, or Christian were lumped.
This term emerged during the Japanese colonial period and was used by the Japanese Governor-Geral in a judgemtal fashion to describe rituals he deemed primitive,
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In Korea, the term misin (superstition) is sometimes used for this religion, but is also applied to other religious and cultural practices like geomancy.
Glish language studies of the mudang have repeatedly referred to them as shamans and their practices as Korean shamanism since the late 19th ctury.
Having be introduced into glish from the Tungusic languages at the d of the 17th ctury, the term shamanism has never received a commonly agreed definition and has be used in at least four distinct ways in the glish language.
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Prior to Christianity's arrival in the 17th and 18th cturies, Korean religion was rarely exclusivist, with many Koreans practising Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, and vernacular practices like musok simultaneously.
In contemporary South Korea, it remains possible for followers of most major religions (barring Christianity) to involve themselves in musok with little csure from fellow members of their religion.
A key role in musok is played by individuals whom the anthropologist Kyoim Yun called ritual specialists who mediate betwe their clits and the invisible forces of the supernatural.
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Mudang are oft divided into two broad types: the kangsin-mu, or god-descded mu, and the sesŭp-mu or hereditary mu. The former gage in rituals in which they describe themselves as being possessed by supernatural tities; the latter's rituals involve interaction with these tities but not possession.
The former was historically more common in the northern and ctral parts of the Korean pinsula, the latter in the southern parts below the Han River.
This was first recorded in the 15th ctury, used for mudang on the Korean mainland, but by the early 19th ctury was exclusively being used for practitioners on Jeju.
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There are also terms sometimes used for mudang but sometimes restricted instead to other types of Korean ritual specialist. The term yeongmae, describing a spirit medium, is sometimes used to describe separate practitioners from the mudang but is also widely se as a synonym.
Conversely, some mudang maintain that the term posal should be reserved for the inspirational diviners who are possessed by child spirits but who do not perform the kut rituals of the mudang.
Altar of a Sansingak, Mountain God shrine. Mountain God shrines are oft controlled by Buddhist temples. This one belongs to the Jeongsusa (Jeongsu Temple) of Ganghwa Island.
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The mudang divide these beings into two main groups, the gods and the ancestral spirits, although may use the term sin for all of them.
Supernatural beings are se as volatile; if humans do well by them, they can receive good fortune, but if they offd these tities th they may suffer.
Each mudang will have their own personal pantheon of deities, one that may differ from the pantheon of a mudang they trained under.
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These deities bestow myŏnggi upon the mudang, abling the latter to have visions and intuition that allows them to perform their tasks.
The deities can be divided into those embodying natural or cosmological forces and those who were once human, including monarchs, officials, and gerals.
Many of the deities desire food and drink, spd money, and joy song and dance, and thus receive these things as offerings.
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The associations of particular deities can change over time; Hogu Pyŏlsŏng was for instance a goddess of smallpox, but after that disease's eradication in the 20th ctury retained associations with measles and chickpox.
Cosmological deities include Ch'ilsŏng, the spirit of the sev stars of the Big Dipper, who is regarded as a merciful Buddhist figure who cares for childr.
More rect military figures have be adopted as musok deities; around Inchon, various mudang have verated Geral Douglas MacArthur as a hero of the Korean War.
The Korea Review Volume 1, 1901 Homer B. Hulbert A.m.
Historically, villages would oft hold annual festivals to thank their tutelary deities. These would oft be se by local m and reflect Confucian traditions, although sometimes mudang were invited to participate.
Pollution caused by births or deaths in the household are believed to result in the House Lord leaving, meaning that he must be couraged to return through ritual.
The House Lord may also require propitiation if expsive goods are brought into the home, as he expects a portion of the expditure to be devoted to him.
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The ancestors who may be verated in musok rituals are broader than the purely patrilineal figures verated in formal Korean ancestor veration rites, the chesa.
These broader ancestors may for instance include those from a woman's natal family, wom who have married out of the family, or family members who have died without offspring.
While both the musok rites and the Confucian-derived chesa tail communication with ancestors, only the former involves direct communication with these spirits, allowing the ancestors to convey messages directly to the living.
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Korean shamanic narratives include a number of myths that discuss the origins of shamans or the shamanic religion. These include, the Princess Bari myth, the Gongsim myth, and the Chogong bon-puri myth.
As of 1998, all known versions were sung only during gut rituals held for the deceased. Princess Bari is therefore a goddess closely associated with funeral rites.
Bari's exact role varies according to the version, sometimes failing to become a deity at all, but she is usually idtified as the patron goddess of shamans, the conductor of the souls of the dead, or the goddess of the Big Dipper.
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Despite the large number of versions, most agree upon the basic story. The first major episode shared by almost all versions is the marriage of the king and que. The que gives birth to six consecutive daughters who are treated luxuriously. Wh she is pregnant a sevth time, the que has an auspicious dream. The royal couple takes this as a sign that she is finally bearing a son and prepares the festivities. Unfortunately, the child is a girl.
In some versions, she must be abandoned two or three times because she is protected by animals the first and second times. The girl is th rescued by a figure such as the Buddha (who regrets upon seeing her that he cannot take a woman as his disciple), a mountain god, or a stork.
Once Bari has grown, one or both of her parts fall gravely ill. They
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